Friday, June 14, 2013

Institute for Iraqi Studies at Boston University (IISBU) publishes inaugural occasional paper, The Hawza Under Siege: A Study in the Ba'th Party Archive, by Abbas Kadhim

Making use of Ba'thist intelligence archives Kadhim examines the efforts of Saddam Hussein and his subordinates to influence, control, intimidate and subvert Shi'i religious authorities, especially the leading clerical authorities in al-Najaf. His study is detailed and nuanced, and it may be downloaded for free from the IIS website.

A Kindle version is available as well, and Ibook and Epub versions are in progress.



Tuesday, June 11, 2013

Video from the April 2013 Boston University meeting


Intro by Prof. A R Norton


State-Society Questions:
Professor Gareth Stansfield (University of Exeter) Moderator article
10:15 a.m. H.E. Abdul Latif Rashid, “The Kurds of Iraq”


Video from the April 2013 Boston University meeting


Video 2 of 3

Featuring Prof Ali Banuazizi, Prof Matteo Legrenzi and Amb Charles Dunbar

Video from the April 2013 Boston University meeting

April 2013 conference Iraq+10
Video 3 of 3

State-Society Questions II:

Professor Eric Davis (Rutgers University), Moderator
Dr. Hanan al-Fatlawi (M.P.), “The Dynamics of Parliamentary Life in a Free Iraq”


Tuesday, June 04, 2013

Why are Turks so angry?

"It is the grandiosity of power and the increasingly punitive state that has pushed people onto the streets and keeps them hanging from the windows of their homes every day, banging pots into the night. Even the revered father of the traditional family is expected to care about all this. But Prime Minister Erdogan, after insulting the protesters and refusing to acknowledge that there was any problem whatsoever, instead left for Morocco to attend a trade meeting."
Jenny White's further insights may be found on her highly readable blog, Kamil Pasha.

Thursday, May 30, 2013

"Go big" in Syria?


Ray Takeyh’s sardonic punditry leaves the reader with the impression that while he might favor a major intervention (which is to say, war) in Syria, the Obama administration is likely to opt for a more circumscribed option.  This would not impress Iran’s hard-nosed leaders, he avers.  

Yet, Takeyh suggests that a prolonged war in Syria, including U.S., boots on the ground, might be advantageous for Iran just as happened in Iraq. 

The idea of a decisive opposition victory in Syria, without or without the U.S. going to war again in the Middle East, is an illusion.  The country has already been shattered by the civil war, institutions will need to be rebuilt, and the contest for power among the rebel forces has only just begun.  This is more likely to be a country in fragments for years to come, rather than a restored, effective and peaceful entity.  Imagine the fifteen-year Lebanese civil war as a prologue.

Whether Takeyh intended to do so or not, he succeeds in highlighting the bad military options available to the U.S. and its allies.  The option that he did not address, namely a negotiated end to the civil war, is certainly not less attractive than the military intervention options that Takeyh sketches.

Monday, May 20, 2013

Institute for Iraqi Studies posts streaming audio for its workshop on Syrian and Iraqi refugees.

Go to the website to download the report, see the opening presentation and accompanying slides or consult the program.



Creative Commons License
This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 2.5 Generic License.

Sunday, May 19, 2013

Kenneth Love, R.I.P.

Kenneth Love, the former New York Times correspondent in Cairo and Tehran, died May 13, 2013.  He was 88.  His Suez: The Twice Fought War is a gem.  The book remains a riveting and invaluable account of the 1956 Suez war and the June war of 1967.  He had impressive contacts in Egypt, and he was a master of wonderfully researched reportage.  I admired his talent.

Friday, May 17, 2013

Institute for Iraqi Studies issues its report on the Syrian refugee crisis and some lessons from Iraq

Download the report at the IIS website.  Kindle and ibook versions will be out shortly.

[Added: Now available for your Kindle.]

From the foreword:


Credible estimates reveal that one of every six Syrians has fled their home, or what remains of their home, often with little more than what they might carry in their arms or wear on their back. Millions have sought safety in other towns and villages, and many have been forced to flee several times to escape the crossfire of rival opposition fighters and government forces. About one and half million Syrians now find a measure of safety in neighboring countries: some in the relative order of well-run camps, but many others are not nearly so fortunate.  Even after escaping from predatory militias and vengeful military assaults, victims continue to be prey for criminals, sexual predators, sectarian vigilantes or allies of the Syrian government.

A number of governments that have pledged contributions have failed to deliver fully on their promises, and neighboring countries, not least Jordan and Lebanon, are strapped for adequate resources and justifiably fear that violence inside Syria will spread to their own citizens. The Syrian refugee crisis is a humanitarian crisis on the scale of some of the world’s worst natural disasters of recent years, and this man-made disaster threatens structural political damage far from its epicenter.

Borders may appear as definitive lines on a map, but family ties, tribal links, sectarian affinities and trading ties routinely transcend Syria’s borders.   Along the Syria-Lebanon border, for instance, one finds Lebanese villages within Syrian territory, and the Iraq-Syria border is notoriously porous.  In my own travels decades ago I well recall visiting Turkish border towns, such as Kilis, which survived as entrepots for trade with Syria and Iraq.

In March, the Institute for Iraqi Studies hosted a workshop in order to gain a shared understanding of the disaster, as well as bring insights to bear from Iraq’s recent refugee tragedy, which at its height directly affected one of every six Iraqis (the same ratio as Syria today). Nearly three million Iraqis remain displaced or as refugees, more than two decades after the uprising of 1991 and a decade following the U.S.-U.K. invasion, according to 2012 data cited in this report (p. 22).  The Iraqi case is a reminder that what is happening today to Syrians is likely to have longstanding consequences.  In neighboring Lebanon, savage violence during the 1975-90 civil war precipitated population displacements that radically diminished the richly diverse human tapestry of the country.  Many villages and urban quarters formerly known for inter-sectarian cohabitation remain far less diverse than they were before the civil war.

A follow-up workshop is planned for late September at Boston University.  The program and other details will be posted on the website in late August.

ARN